While the parties could well
have entertained issues in front of the Hungarian electorate pertinent
to the EP – and about European integration in general – their discourse
was rather axed on issues that included their opponents’ choice of candidates,
gas prices, inflation or even abortion. In this, Hungary has managed
to catch up with older EU countries with decades of experience, where
internal political debates dominated the weeks before the elections.
Elections at half-time
The EP elections were a novelty from several perspectives. Never before
had the population voted for members of the EP, and since the systemic
changes, no government was exposed to an election campaign halfway through
its term. The opposition tried to take advantage of this fact and was
not shy to speak about a “No-confidence” against the ruling coalition.
Although the
elections may be important, the role of the EP has little effect on
everyday citizens
“The Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) is waiting for an answer from
the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) as to whether the result of the
EP elections will affect the prime minister’s leadership, and the structure
of the government,” said Ibolya Dávid, president of MDF at a public
forum. Viktor Orbán, president of the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fidesz),
said the election is about the direction in which the country should
continue the second half of its term.
“If there will be enough power given by the voters, the course of events
could be changed even this year. In this case the government has to
consider what the people want and govern accordingly, or it has to pass
on the leadership of the country,” he emphasized. The opposition’s optimism
was supported by polls, which indicated a growing advantage by the right
wing in the weeks leading up to the poll. This, meanwhile, did not shake
Prime Minister Péter Medgyessy’s confidence, nor effect the election
results.
PM remains confident
“We are faced with an election once again, and we will win again,”
he said confidently at a campaign meeting, alluding to his party’s 2002
parliamentary victory, as well as a string of local electoral victories.
Moreover, the EU referendum, held in April 2003, can be considered a
success for the governing coalition – despite the low turnout – as it
ended with an overwhelming majority of “yes” votes, as urged by the
coalition. Regarding voter turnout, elections within EU member states
have always moved a notoriously small number of the electorate, as it
did in the these most recent elections. Only 49.9 percent, on a EU level,
of eligible voters cast ballots during the previous EP elections five
years ago, while this year produced an even lower turnout, with 44 percent
heading to the ballot box, causing a credibility gap for European democracy.
In addition, a large proportion of Euro-skeptic forces gained representatives.
It is interesting that, despite low turnout rates, a larger number
of Hungarians – 80 percent – feel EP elections are important and carry
weight. Although the outcome of elections may be important in the future,
the role of the EP has proved to have less of an effect on the everyday
life of citizens, even though the scope of the Strasbourg-Brussels legislature
was extended several times in the past few years. The EP has had say
in very few issues: it can veto the budget of the EU, the appointment
of the European Commission or the admission of new member states. In
the majority of cases, regarding laws, member states only ask their
MPs in Brussels for opinions, with the final word pronounced by the
Council of Ministers, consisting of national politicians.
The roles of different chambers
There is a big difference in weight between the different parliamentary
chambers - and citizens of the new member states will soon learn this.
It is a warning sign that the EP has such little weight it is rarely
mentioned in Western European media or in public opinion. (The last
time it featured in the headlines was when the EP forced the entire
European Commission, accused of mismanagement, to resign in 1999.) Strengthening
the EP’s role would also strengthen the democratic character of the
EU, since this is the only European institution where members are elected
directly by citizens.
But this is also why member state governments are reluctant to give
the organization more power. Meanwhile, international news regarding
the EP does not increase its popularity. One of the evergreen subjects
is the system of allowances for MPs, which was fully extended to legislators
of new member states May 1st. For starters, there is the daily fee of
EUR 262 that can be claimed by signing the attendance register in either
Strasbourg or Brussels. There is also a sum of EUR 12,576 per month
for secretaries or assistants, while many MPs end up employing their
own family members or friends as “assistants.” The question of travel
allowances is also rather unclear: a politician may receive pay for
the most expensive air fare on economy class – with a simple boarding
card – even if the MP traveled on a low cost airline. Money to burn
Concerning expenses, several hundred million euro per year is used
to cover MPs’ commute between Brussels and Strasbourg. The official
headquarters of the parliament is in Strasbourg, which is where monthly
plenary sessions are held. During the rest of the month, committee and
political meetings are held in Brussels. (Furthermore, the general secretariat
of the parliament is based in Luxembourg.) EP members have protested
the tiresome and expensive commute for a long time, but France immediately
vetoes any attempts at change. The Hungarian elections cannot be characterized
as an economical game either: 7 percent of the total budget – HUF 300
million – will be spent on the 2,415 voters set to vote at 71 Hungarian
embassies abroad. In Cuba, Mongolia and Nigeria, one Hungarian per country
expressed a wish to vote for in the EP elections, therefore, a four-member
vote counting committee will travel to these countries to oversee the
one-person electorate. With one single voter at stake, the secrecy of
the vote could even be called into question. In November 2003, during
the amendment of the law requiring twothirds plurality, Fidesz prevented
the suggestion that employees of the embassies would form such committees,
not having confidence in their neutrality. The conservative party also
opposed voting by mail or electronic mail, because both could be manipulated.
The junior- coalition, Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ), meanwhile,
signaled they would not be sending delegates to the vote counting committees.
Twenty-four
elected Hungarian parliamentary representatives are heading to Brussels
“The Hungarian liberal party does not take part in wasting the tax
payers money,” said Gábor Horn, campaign head of the party. As Ildikó
Lendvai, leader of the MSZP faction put it: “We have to pay the price
of Hungarian distrust.”
EP Election Results
| Fidesz (ALLIANCE OF YOUNG DEMOCRATS) |
12 |
| MSZP (HUNGARIAN SOCIALIST PARTY) |
9 |
| SZDSZ (ALLIANCE OF FREE DEMOCRATS) |
2 |
| MDF (HUNGARIAN DEMOCRATIC FORUM) |
1 |
| Total representatives |
24 |
Turnout at the last European elections (percentage, 1999)
| Highest |
|
Lowest |
|
| Belgium |
90.0% |
Sweden |
38.3% |
| Luxembourg |
85.8% |
Finland |
30.1% |
| Italy |
70.8% |
The Netherlands |
29.9% |
| Greece |
70.2% |
United Kingdom |
24.0% |
| Average |
49.9% |
Source: European Parliament |
Seats in the European Parliament
| |
EU-15 |
EU-25 |
Germany
France
United Kingdom
Italy
Spain
Poland
Netherlands
Greece
Belgium
Portugal
Czech Republic
Hungary
Sweden
Austria
Denmark
Finland
Slovakia
Ireland
Lithuania
Latvia
Slovenia
Cyprus
Estonia
Luxembourg
Malta
Total |
99
87
87
87
64
–
31
25
25
25
–
–
22
21
16
16
–
15
–
–
–
–
–
6
–
626 |
99
78
78
78
54
54
27
24
24
24
24
24
19
18
14
14
14
13
13
9
7
6
6
6
5
732 |
|