Markó now believes that after a perceived snub by Hungary, ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania have become confident on their own, and in their own land. Deputy Prime Minister Béla Markó talked to DT – Diplomacy and Trade on the occasion of the official visit to Hungary by Romanian Prime Minister Calin Tariceanu.

How deep were the wounds that were left from the recent referendum on dual citizenship from the perspective of ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania? Were the results looked upon as a kind of message?

Béla Markó Personally, I think that it is a question of interpretation. At the same time prior to the referendum, many ethnic Hungarians looked upon the poll as an eventual message as to whether Hungarians within Hungary would accept or reject those ethnic Hungarians who live beyond the Hungarian border. And for just this reason, the feelings that were stirred up as a result were very negative, and the results even surprised me. In fact, however, I do not think that the results were a balanced reflection of the events. For many people, the vote on dual citizenship was a sign of Hungarian indifference, and they looked upon it as a message that we are not wanted by Hungary or Hungarians. And with that, there were very strong emotions that came out in Transylvania. But I do think that slowly, these feelings are calming down, and we can really already feel this.

The most recent discussions have centered around the question of a national visa system that would allow for the citizens of bordering countries to enter Hungary more easily. Does this point to a possible resolution that would be satisfactory for ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania?

Béla Markó I think that everybody will accept this solution positively. I don’t, however, think that with this proposal we can doctor those events which occurred in relation to the dual-citizenship question. Rationally speaking, most of those that were looking to the dual-citizenship issue were primarily riding on the fact that they would be able to get a Hungarian passport. This would have allowed them to freely travel to both Hungary, and potentially other destinations – although it is true that slowly the Romanian passport will enjoy a similar status. However, it was less these rational motivations but rather emotional issues that were at play here. And this national visa program will not replace the problems associated with the rejection of the concept of dual-citizenship for ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania.

Did ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania take the election results as a personal message?

Béla Markó Yes, there were those who looked at the results and the campaign as an offense towards them, that they claimed that we would ‘cost Hungary money’. I didn’t take it as an offense, but I do think that it was also based on faulty logic. The logic is not correct particularly because when Transylvanian intellectuals, with a university degree, come to Hungary to work, I would say that the result is the opposite. It is the minds that are being taken away from us, since the ethnic Hungarian community in Transylvania invested in those people. To start to talk about how much a person is going to cost is a dangerous road, since we can also speak of the reverse. After all, if we train our experts, doctors and youth and they go to Hungary, the logic is quite different from our perspective.

Then how much is the question of migration a threat to the maintenance of ethnic Hungarian populations in Transylvania?

Béla Markó The maintenance of the community over there is our priority. From our perspective it’s based on the desire that the ethnic Hungarians should stay in Transylvania, and they should be able to find happiness there. It is not simply of question to assure their well-being either in Hungary or Transylvania. We believe that it is a value if they can remain in Transylvania, and in those communities we would like to continue to keep our culture alive. A large migration of our youth would endanger this continuation since not only is the population declining as a result of the demographic problems, but it is precisely those who ensure our future that we are in danger of losing.

Many within the Hungarian political elite question the virtue of the World Federation of Hungarians of bringing up the question in the first place at this time. Was the timing of this question appropriate in your eyes?

Béla Markó It was a big mistake to bring this question to a vote in the first place. And it was a further mistake to allow the poll to go to a referendum. Everybody knew that there was no consensus on the issue, and yet they still allowed it to go to a vote. I don’t know how they could have resolved it otherwise. But primarily because there was no consensus among the Hungarian political parties, within minutes the issue became a debate colored by local, internal politics. Very fast, it became a question of the victory of the governing or the opposition parties. Unfortunately I must say that the ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania are mistaken in one thing, and that is that this referendum was not about them, in truth.

Were ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania sensitive to the internal Hungarian political repercussions of the referendum?

Béla Markó Well, I do believe that I was sensitive to these issues. But as to how the public opinion in Transylvania was keyed into these effects, I would say that they were not.

Are you implying that they were simply looking at the message from Hungarians in the result?

Béla Markó Yes.

Were there any repercussions from the result for ethnic Hungarians in the face of Romanian political forces?

Béla Markó In the fall of 2004, in Romania, it had been an election period. While Hungary was preparing their referendum, we were preparing our parliamentary and presidential elections. Following the parliamentary elections, and despite months of polls and speculation that the RMDSZ would not get a parliamentary mandate, in the end not only did we get into the parliament but were able to enter the governing coalition. I do believe that these local results helped the ethnic Hungarians of Transylvania to overcome the emotional trauma of the results of Hungary’s referendum. They felt in the end that they were stronger at home.

What kind of alternatives do the Transylvanians see as being realistic? Are there any viewpoints that you feel were poorly represented in recent times?

Béla Markó I think that what was little talked about relating to the dual-citizenship debate is that once Romania becomes a member of the European Union (EU), citizenship will have a very different meaning. And when we talk about it today, we should take this into account since whichever law would be passed in Hungary today would largely only have an effect by 2007, by which time Romania will presumably be an EU member. On the other hand, what I find reasonable, is that those persons who live in the neighboring countries and are ethnic Hungarian and would like to receive Hungarian citizenship, he should receive it based on a different set of criteria than those who are not ethnic Hungarian. There are many reasons for this principal. Linguistically, historically, culturally and traditionally these people are connected to Hungary. And I think that it is reasonable to ask for for this kind of distinction. At the same time, I do think that these would be decisions taken individually, as to who would like to ask for Hungarian citizenship. As to what kind of difference, and what exact preferences they would enjoy, those depend on the decisions of the Hungarian political parties. That is why I don’t think that it was necessary to call this kind of referendum on the issue, but it would be more logical to sit down and negotiate a compromise that all parties would accept.

How do you evaluate the recent trends when it comes to the relationship between Transylvanian ethnic Hungarians and Hungary?

Béla Markó I think that this relationship has become closer over the years, since there were some questions that were hotly debated – particularly the Status Law – and these questions are no longer questioned. Perhaps the issue does not carry the importance that it had when the law was adopted, or what people foresaw. It does have, however, a practical function. For instance each child can receive a stipend for their education if they study Hungarian. It is not a very large amount, but it is nevertheless important for the effected people. There are some steps forward. But when it comes to the relationship, it is no secret that EU accession will change everything. If Romania becomes an EU member-state, the bilateral relationship will be totally different.

What kind of changes and differences do you foresee in the weight and role of the Hungarians in Transylvania given your current role as deputy prime minister? What plans would you like to put in place?

Béla Markó The linguistic, educational, cultural, minority, national programs and autonomy questions are only one part of the priorities of the ethnic Hungarian populations. The others are the general economic and social goals that we set out to fulfill. We are convinced the main challenge is that the youth of Transylvania don’t see an economic future for themselves. Therefore, we have to develop the economy, the infrastructure. We have to develop these areas if we want the youth to stay. After all, there are some that leave Transylvania because it is harder to make your way as a Hungarian there than in Hungary, but I do think that the basic question for them are their existential questions.